Step outside in any Indian metro and the city announces itself in layers: a cluster of high-rises overlooking a busy flyover, a gated society with a manicured lawn, and a few streets away, a settlement of tightly packed tin roofs. This is not random. Every wall, road, and neighbourhood boundary reflects decisions about money, land, and who gets to live where. Understanding urban structure means reading a city the way an anthropologist would, as both a physical layout and a social system built on top of it.

Table of Contents

What urban structure really means

Urban structure refers to how a city organises its physical space, infrastructure, and people, along with the relationships between them. A city is not just buildings and roads. It is the pattern created when housing, workplaces, markets, schools, and recreational spaces are arranged to serve a large, dense, and diverse population.

Sociologist Louis Wirth argued that what makes urban life distinct is not simply population size but the combination of size, density, and heterogeneity, meaning a mix of people from different backgrounds living close together with mostly impersonal, role-based interactions rather than the tightly-knit bonds typical of villages, as Wirth described in his classic study of urbanism. This idea still applies to Indian cities today. A single apartment block in Bengaluru or Pune can house software engineers, retirees, and students from entirely different states and communities, all coexisting without the kinship ties that structure a village.

Urban settlements and housing choices

Where people live in a city, and what kind of home they end up in, is shaped by socio-economic status, affordability, proximity to work, and the desire for social cohesion with people of similar background. This is very different from rural settlement patterns, where land, caste, and lineage often dictate where a family lives for generations.

From close-knit villages to heterogeneous housing

Village life is generally organised around familiarity: neighbours are often relatives, and social control is exercised through community knowledge of everyone’s business. Urban residential buildings flip this arrangement. A single apartment complex can hold dozens of unrelated families who share walls and common spaces but lead largely separate lives. This heterogeneity is one of the defining features of urbanism, and it changes how people build trust, seek help, and organise collective life.

Vertical growth as a response to land scarcity

As cities grow, the amount of usable land does not. Indian metros have responded to this pressure by building upward rather than outward. High-rise apartments now dominate the skylines of Mumbai, Bengaluru, and the National Capital Region, a shift that has accelerated sharply since the 2000s as cities moved from horizontal sprawl toward vertical expansion to manage density and infrastructure limits, according to an analysis of vertical growth trends in Indian cities. This vertical expansion allows more people to be housed on a smaller footprint, but it also concentrates population in ways that strain water supply, drainage, and transport systems built for a smaller city.

An ever-growing urban population keeps testing the limits of what cities can accommodate. Every new resident needs housing, water, sanitation, and a way to commute to work, and city planning has struggled to keep pace with the sheer scale of that demand.

Government housing schemes and income-based categories

Recognising that affordability varies drastically across income groups, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs has structured affordable housing support around income-linked categories, an approach that continues under schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban). Broadly, households are grouped as follows:

Economically Weaker Section (EWS) covers households with an annual income below roughly INR 1.5 lakh, typically eligible for units up to about 300 sq. ft.
Lower Income Group (LIG) covers households earning between INR 1.5 and 3 lakh annually, with unit sizes generally between 300 and 600 sq. ft.
Medium Income Group (MIG) covers households earning between INR 3 and 10 lakh, with homes ranging from 600 to 1200 sq. ft.
Higher Income Group (HIG) covers households earning above INR 10 lakh, with homes larger than 1200 sq. ft.

The EWS and LIG categories receive direct government subsidies for house construction or interest relief on home loans, since these households are least able to access formal housing finance on their own. MIG and HIG households, by contrast, are expected to participate in the housing market largely through their own means, sometimes with limited interest subsidy support. This tiered structure is meant to widen access to formal housing while acknowledging that a construction worker and a corporate executive cannot be served by the same policy instrument.

Even with these schemes, the scale of urban housing shortage in India remains large, and formal, subsidised housing has not kept pace with the number of families migrating into cities every year. This gap is a major reason why informal settlements continue to expand alongside planned housing.

Slums and ghettos: two other patterns of urban settlement

Not every urban resident finds a place within planned housing or government schemes. Where formal housing is unaffordable or unavailable, informal settlements fill the gap, taking two broad forms: slums and ghettos.

What makes an area a slum, officially

In everyday use, a slum refers to any unplanned and impoverished neighbourhood, but it has a more precise administrative meaning in India. Slums, sometimes called Jhuggi Jhopris, are unplanned settlements, frequently built on encroached public land, where residents lack secure tenure and basic civic amenities. The Census of India classifies areas as slums when they involve dilapidated structures, overcrowding, poorly designed buildings, narrow lanes, inadequate ventilation, and insufficient sanitation, and it further separates them into notified, recognised, and identified categories depending on how formally the government has acknowledged the settlement, as outlined in an official notification on slum classification from the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation.

Dharavi in Mumbai remains the most cited example of large-scale slum settlement in the country. It houses an estimated one million residents in a compact area and simultaneously functions as a hub of small-scale manufacturing, generating an informal economy that has been valued in the range of a billion dollars annually, according to a compilation of facts on Mumbai’s slum settlements. Dharavi captures the central paradox of slum life: severe housing deprivation existing alongside a dense, productive local economy that many residents are reluctant to leave, even when redevelopment is offered.

Ghettos and segregated urban living

Ghettos differ from slums in what drives their formation. While slums typically form due to poverty and lack of planning, ghettos emerge from social exclusion, where people of the same ethnicity, religion, or caste cluster together, often because discrimination or fear of violence makes settling elsewhere difficult. Indian cities have a long history of community-based residential clustering, with distinct mohallas historically organised around a single caste or religious group in many old, walled cities, a pattern documented in commentary on segregation patterns among Muslim communities in Indian cities.

In recent decades, this clustering has intensified in some cities following episodes of communal violence, pushing minority communities toward areas perceived as safer, even when those areas offer poorer infrastructure and fewer opportunities. Research comparing segregation levels across major Indian cities found that Ahmedabad, Hyderabad, and Delhi showed particularly high concentrations of Muslim residents in specific neighbourhoods, a pattern closely tied to the aftermath of communal tension rather than simple economic sorting, as detailed in a study on segregation and ghettoisation in Indian cities. Ghettos, in this sense, are less about affordability and more about the limits placed on where a community feels safe or is permitted to live, making them a distinct urban pattern worth studying separately from slums.

What do you think?

What do you think? Looking at the neighbourhood you grew up in or currently live in, can you identify which of these settlement patterns, planned housing, a slum, or a segregated cluster, shaped how your community was arranged? And as Indian cities keep growing upward and outward at the same time, do you think government housing schemes are keeping pace with who actually needs affordable homes?

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References
  1. https://files.eportfolios.macaulay.cuny.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/5781/2017/01/16134646/Urbanism-as-a-Way-of-Life-Wirth.pdf
  2. https://www.archdaily.com/1028945/the-economics-of-vertical-growth-in-india-addressing-urban-density-and-sprawl
  3. https://pmay-urban.gov.in/faq
  4. https://www.pib.gov.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=72280
  5. https://borgenproject.org/10-facts-mumbai-slums/
  6. https://carnegieendowment.org/russia-eurasia/posts/2015/01/in-and-out-of-the-ghetto
  7. https://caravanmagazine.in/lede/how-growing-communalisation-led-rise-muslim-only-enclaves

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Urban Anthropology

1 Foundation of Urban Anthropology

  1. Historical Perspective: Meaning, Aim, Scope and Expanding Horizons of Urban Anthropology
  2. Influence of other Social Sciences on Urban Anthropology
  3. Basic Concepts of Urban Anthropology
  4. Cities: From Preindustrial to Industrial
  5. Historical Antecedents I: Complex Societies and the Chicago School
  6. Historical Antecedents II: Manchester School

2 Theoretical Perspectives

  1. The Chicago School
  2. The Manchester School
  3. Social Network Analysis
  4. The Extended Case Method
  5. Concept of Scale in Urban Anthropological Studies
  6. Emerging Approaches to the Study of Cities

3 Folk Urban Continuum

  1. Continuities Between Rural and Urban
  2. Folk Urban Continuum: Robert Redfield and Mckim Marriot
  3. Semi-urban and Peri-urban
  4. Towns and Two-tier Cities

4 Urban Processes

  1. Urbanisation
  2. Types of Urbanisation- Primary and Secondary
  3. Urbanism
  4. Urban Structures
  5. Urban Challenges and Problems
  6. Urban Ecology

5 Diversity and Differences in Urban Spaces

  1. Urban Spaces: Diversity and Differences
  2. Neighbourhood
  3. The Functions of a Neighbourhood
  4. Mohalla in India
  5. Ethnicities, Inequalities, Resources, and Entitlements
  6. Institutions, Bureaucracy and Governance in Cities
  7. Institutions
  8. Governance
  9. Bureaucracy
  10. Politics of Planning and Development in the Cities
  11. Creation and Presentation of Indian Cities
  12. Rise of Neoliberal Urbanism in India

6 Movement from rural to Urban

  1. Migration and its Effects in Urban Spaces
  2. Migration and Adaptation
  3. Acculturation and Acceptance
  4. Role of Networks and Kinship in Migrations
  5. Issues of Identity, Marginalisation, Citizenship and Legality

7 Family, Marriage and Kinship

  1. Significance of Kinship in Urban Context
  2. Social Networks as Kinship Networks in Urban Context
  3. Family in the Urban Context
  4. City Life and the Transforming Family
  5. Urbanisation and Marriage

8 Caste and Class

  1. Caste in Cities
  2. Caste and the Urban Labour Market
  3. Urban Space and Political Assertion by Caste Groups
  4. The Concept of Class and Urban Ethnographies
  5. Urban Class as Lifestyle Groups
  6. Anthropology and the Urban Middle-Class

9 Religion, Faith and Tolerance

  1. Religion and the Conception of the Rural and Urban in Anthropology
  2. Religion and Colonial Cities
  3. Road-Side Temples and Shrines in Urban Areas
  4. Religion as Marker of Urban Space: Fear, Conflict and Violence
  5. Religion in Urban Space: A Battle Ground for Secularisation and New Religious Movements
  6. Urban Aspirations, Globalisation and Religious Fundamentalism

10 Multi-Ethnicity and Multiculturalism

  1. Multi-ethnicity and Multiculturalism in Urban/Global Cities
  2. Negotiating the Multi-ethnic or Multicultural Identity within a City
  3. Critique
  4. Public Space and Urban Social Life
  5. Urban Mobility Patterns and Social Identity of the City

11 Contemporary Urban Concerns

  1. Crisscrossing of Anthropology and Sociology
  2. Anthropological Reflections on the Concept of ‘urban’
  3. Increasing Interest in Urban Research

12 World Cities and the Production of Space

  1. Beginnings of Studies in Urban Spaces and Globalisation
  2. World Cities and Spaces – History, Definition, Characteristics, and Types
  3. World Cities and Spaces in Global South & the World
  4. Impact of Capitalist Globalisation on Urban Spaces
  5. Global Integration and Territorial Re-differentiation of Urban Spaces
  6. Geographical Scale and Social Production
  7. Critical Analysis

13 Urban Ethnography

  1. Research in Urban Anthropology
  2. Fieldwork in the Cities
  3. Research Methodologies in Urban Anthropology
  4. Ethical Concerns in Urban Anthropological Research